{"id":684,"date":"2026-06-30T15:40:01","date_gmt":"2026-06-30T15:40:01","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/propertytransitionmedia.com\/?p=684"},"modified":"2026-06-30T15:40:01","modified_gmt":"2026-06-30T15:40:01","slug":"new-mexico-says-civil-liberties-group-can-only-enjoy-free-speech-if-it-doxxes-donors","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/propertytransitionmedia.com\/?p=684","title":{"rendered":"New Mexico Says Civil Liberties Group Can Only Enjoy Free Speech If It Doxxes Donors\u00a0"},"content":{"rendered":"<div>\n<p>Leading up to the 2024 election, an organization called the Rio Grande Foundation\u00a0planned to mail\u00a0its\u00a0legislative scorecard to New Mexico voters.\u00a0Mailing the scorecard would allow the organization to reach across a statewide audience to better inform and update them on upcoming changes in legislation. But New Mexico state law prohibited the organization from doing so. Now the foundation is asking the Supreme Court to review the law in a case called\u00a0<em>Rio Grande Foundation v. Oliver.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Read more <a href=\"https:\/\/propertytransitionmedia.com\/?p=682\">Soccer Is Spiritually A Third-World Sport<\/a><\/p>\n<p>The scorecard did not urge New Mexicans to vote in a particular way. But, because it named candidates and was scheduled to be sent within 60 days of the election, New Mexico\u2019s Campaign Reporting Act classified it as an \u201cindependent expenditure\u201d that would have forced the\u00a0Rio Grande Foundation to disclose its donors to the government.\u00a0<\/p>\n<p>Any organization spending more than $1,000 on communications that merely\u00a0<em>reference\u00a0<\/em>a candidate or ballot measure within a specified pre-election window are red flagged under New Mexico law. To send such communications, an organization must disclose donors who contributed more than $5,000 during a two-year election cycle, unless the donor explicitly opts out. The problem is, most donors have no idea that such a requirement exists. A $5,000 donation to a nonprofit organization that publishes voting records is hardly identical to a campaign contribution or an endorsement of any candidate, yet the state treats them the same.<\/p>\n<p>Rio Grande\u2019s scorecard was a voting record \u2014 the kind of basic civic information that newspapers publish and good-government groups have distributed for generations. Whether it qualifies as \u201cadvocacy\u201d under New Mexico\u2019s definitions is beside the point. The First Amendment protects the right to associate and speak anonymously, and that right does not evaporate the moment a communication mentions a candidate\u2019s name.<\/p>\n<p>The chilling effect of\u00a0forced donor disclosure\u00a0is not hypothetical. As the Supreme Court found in the civil rights-era case\u00a0<em>NAACP v. Alabama<\/em>(1958)<em>,<\/em>\u00a0Alabama could not compel the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) to disclose its membership lists, as doing so would expose them to retaliation.\u00a0<\/p>\n<p>In our\u00a0politically charged\u00a0present, the Supreme Court recognized as much in\u00a0<em>Americans for Prosperity Foundation v. Bonta<\/em>\u00a0(2021), where hundreds of organizations filed briefs attesting to the real, pervasive deterrence to free association and expression that forced disclosure creates. For example, in 2008, donors to\u00a0California\u2019s Proposition 8, a ballot measure on marriage, faced\u00a0coordinated harassment campaigns after their names became public. This included the\u00a0resignation of film and theatrical directors, and\u00a0vandalism of homes.<\/p>\n<p>Years later, in 2014, the co-founder of Mozilla was\u00a0forced out\u00a0of his own company because his donation to the proposition\u00a0resurfaced. The donation was legal, and the proposition even passed a statewide ballot, but public disclosure turned the donor into a victim of cancel culture because leftists disagreed with his politics.\u00a0<\/p>\n<p>Read more <a href=\"https:\/\/propertytransitionmedia.com\/?p=681\">\u2018Imposter\u2019 Candidate Can Appear On Ballot Ahead Of Alaska Senate Primary, State Supreme Court Rules<\/a><\/p>\n<p>This is exactly what the Founders understood when they wrote anonymously.\u00a0The Federalist Papers were published pseudonymously, as were the Anti-Federalists\u2019\u00a0responses. As the Supreme Court held in\u00a0<em>McIntyre v. Ohio Elections Commission<\/em>, \u201c\u201canonymity is a shield from the tyranny of the majority.\u201d It \u201cexemplifies the purpose behind the Bill of Rights\u2026to protect unpopular individuals from retaliation\u2014and their ideas from suppression\u2014at the hand of an intolerant society.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>John Stuart Mill\u2019s marketplace of ideas\u00a0presents the belief\u00a0that arguments should be evaluated on their merits, not according to the identity of the speaker. When the government compels donor disclosure, it inverts that principle, licensing voters to dismiss an argument because of its source rather than its substance.\u00a0<\/p>\n<p>The Supreme Court should use\u00a0<em>Rio Grande<\/em>\u00a0to resolve whether laws that compel disclosure of political association should face strict scrutiny \u2013 the highest test in constitutional law \u2013 not merely exacting scrutiny. The court\u2019s own precedents in\u00a0<em>NAACP v. Alabama<\/em>\u00a0called for \u201cthe closest scrutiny\u201d of any state action curtailing freedom of association, yet the cases that followed have applied something less.\u00a0<\/p>\n<p>The gap matters because\u00a0 \u201cexacting scrutiny\u201d has proven porous in practice. When the Ninth Circuit upheld California\u2019s donor disclosure regime under this same standard, the Supreme Court reversed it in\u00a0<em>Americans for Prosperity Foundation<\/em>. This correction required higher intervention precisely because the lower court\u2019s application of exacting scrutiny wasn\u2019t exacting at all. The Tenth Circuit upheld this law, and courts will continue upholding similar laws until the Court clarifies the standard.\u00a0<\/p>\n<p>Rio Grande sought to publish a voting record that voters in New Mexico had a right to see. Rio Grande\u2019s donors likewise had a right to support it without having their names and addresses delivered to the state and published for anyone to find. New Mexico\u2019\u2019s law makes all three of those things harder, and the Supreme Court should say so.<\/p>\n<p>Read more <a href=\"https:\/\/propertytransitionmedia.com\/?p=679\">Alito: Nuking Single-Day Elections Opens \u2018Pandora\u2019s Box\u2019 Of Voter Fraud<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>A voting scorecard shouldn\u2019t trigger a government demand for supporters\u2019 home addresses.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":683,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[2383],"tags":[521,630,2384,2385,135],"class_list":["post-684","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-civil-rights","tag-california","tag-election","tag-new-mexico","tag-proposition-8","tag-supreme-court"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v27.6 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>New Mexico Says Civil Liberties Group Can Only Enjoy Free Speech If It Doxxes Donors\u00a0 - 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